The Alternate Minister of National Defence, Panagiotis Rigas, at an interview he gave on “CHONI” newspaper (on 27/10/2018) and to the journalist, Dimitris Bouras, stated the following:
1. Further to the agreement between Greece and Egypt on the demarcation of the EEZ in the Mediterranean Sea, Turkey turns once again to the strategy of tension. Is there any deterioration in the relations between Athens and Ankara?
The launching of the EEZ demarcation by Greece and Egypt demonstrates that our Country systematically and seriously establishes its sovereignty rights. The manner in which our eastern neighboring countries are dealing with such matters is not novel; aggressiveness especially in terms of rhetoric has become their standard practice. However, phrasal bravados and also challenges do not necessarily lead to the pursued objective. They sometimes lead to the isolation of those acting so, since all this works in accordance with the circumstances each time. I believe it is too early to talk about deterioration. Our bilateral relations with Turkey have always been in a continuous dynamic conflict, which – luckily – however have not gone too far during the past twenty years. Communication channels and contacts have always been a key element in the relations between countries, whereas in difficult circumstances their necessity becomes even greater and the Greek government will insist on that.
2. Turkey’s provocations in the Aegean Sea are continuing even after the recent seismic surveys by Barbaros within the area of the Greek continental shelf. How does Greece intend to deal with such kinds of practices?
Turkey’s provocations in the Aegean Sea steadily aim at creating a fait accompli and at subsequently negotiating on its basis. All these years, efforts have been unsuccessful. The Greek Armed Forces’ deterrent power and determination, as well as the stability over time demonstrated by Greek governments on this issue, have made our neighbors’ efforts fall on stony ground. What is evident at this stage is the focusing of Turkey’s provocativeness in the wider Mediterranean Sea, around the area where the EEZs of Greece – Cyprus – Egypt meet. The Greek government remains calm and true to its role, being a pillar of stability in the wider area, defending on one hand our sovereignty rights and on the other hand, avoiding mistakes and the further escalation of the situation. History has shown that when the tones are on the rise, not only problems are not solved, but even greater problems are created. In any case, we are not sitting on our hands and we keep on the watch.
3. Greece is about to proceed to the extension of territorial waters in the Ionian Sea by 12 miles. What does this mean for the country and how do you respond to the opposition that talks about dangerous foreign policy?
The issue of declaration and demarcation of marine zones is subject to procedures that evolve over time. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea was signed at Montego Bay, Jamaica, in 1982; the convention entered into force in 1994 and Greece ratified it through the Parliament in 1995. It is obvious that its implementation by any state is exclusively a matter of its own choices and priorities. At this point, I would like to note that the extension of our territorial waters is one of the possibilities that are open to us based on the said Convention. At the same time, there are also the straight baselines that are closing the gulfs; there is the contiguous zone and of course, there is the Exclusive Economic Zone. Any possible delimitation of maritime boundaries in the future would bring multiple benefits for our country in economic terms, in terms of protection of the marine environment and in terms of policing and prevention of unlawful acts. As regards the opposition’s objections, the only comment I would like to make is that I am sorry for the irresponsibility and thoughtlessness in which they are dealing with such important issues. Hence, if they regard the protection of our sovereignty rights as “dangerous policy”, then they should have the courage to get it out in the open.
4. After the funds for refugees, there has been a lot of fuss over the secret funds for ministries, amongst which the Ministry of National Defence. What is finally going on with these confidential expenses? Is there a question of lack of transparency?
Silence is better than words. That is what I say to all those, who have led us to the crisis and corruption and attempt today to give lessons to the country, making use of fabricated evidence and arbitrary assumptions. Specifically regarding the funds for the refugees, there is absolute transparency on our part, but also audits by relevant EU services. As regards the secret funds for ministries, the whole fuss is fake; there is not such question.
5. Arms expenditure in 2019 will be increased compared to this year, in accordance with the state budget draft. Why is this happening? Does Greek economy afford such increases?
In order to build up a picture about arms expenditure, one should observe their development over a 10-year time horizon; in other words, what was the expenditure before crisis and what is today. There has been a 50% decrease. Now, if there are variations in the budget year-on-year after a period of pressure, this is due to the maturation of certain obligations from previous years, but also to the priority set regarding human resources.
6. The path for the amendment of the constitution and the renaming of FYROM into “Northern Macedonia” has been opened in Skopje. Will the Prespa Agreement, however, be ratified by the Greek Parliament?
The roadmap for the ratification of the Prespa Agreement by both parties is clear. As soon as FYROM makes progress with the procedures and their completion, then the Agreement will be introduced to the Greek Parliament for ratification. We have on a number of occasions repeated that we believe that there is a qualified parliamentary majority that will ratify the agreement.
7. Panos Kammenos repeated that the Independent Hellenes (ANEL) will withdraw from the government as soon as the agreement on the Skopje naming issue is introduced to the Parliament. Does this mean that the current government has a time horizon of 3-4 months?
Panos Kammenos has certain positions on this specific issue and these are respected. However, the authority of the Greek Parliament and each individual member of the Parliament to have political positions and vote should also be respected. The government is not directly linked to a vote in the Parliament; in any case, there are specific procedures through which a government is judged at parliamentary level. What we all know is that the statutory parliamentary term with its existing composition expires in September 2019.
8. What comments do you have to make on Nikos Kotzias’ resignation? Does this pose a problem for SYRIZA for the following day?
Nikos Kotzias’ resignation is a personal choice. And as such, it should be respected, regardless of whether I personally think that it should never have taken place at all. It is an unfortunate occurrence, which however does not pose a problem to the government. Nikos Kotzias actively participated in the government’s effort since 2015 and will continue to support it. We pursue common objectives and we have the same concerns.
9. New Democracy is still ahead in all polls. What needs to be done to turn the tide and continue the “left-wing regularity” as you call it? Is there room for cooperation with other parties?
New Democracy may be pleased, because it is ahead in polls; however, we are pleased because we are winning the elections. In any case, no pre-elections stage has been set for yet and people have not been presented with this specific dilemma of voting yet. The Greek people will judge and compare and mainly, will not risk annulling the great effort for the recovery of the society and the economy, the sacrifices made, but also their achievements in such a difficult situation. Where others – those who seek today to govern Greek people again – had just offered a road to hell.
10. You have recently described the German outstanding debts to Greece as an “active claim”. How feasible is that the country claims and receives war reparations?
The claim for war reparations, for what our country has suffered by the Nazi forces during WWII, is a moral and economic matter with a clear political dimension. These obligations are active; they have not been time-barred and they have been updated following Germany’s reunification in 1990. Besides, Greece has never consented to any kind of time limitation whatsoever. Time will tell whether the implementation of such a claim is feasible. All that is certain is that only if you claim something, there will be a chance for you.
11. Turkey’s Minister of Foreign Affairs warned that “the Turkish government does not intend to allow the extension of the Greek territorial waters by 12 miles”, stressing that Casus Belli applies. How do you respond to that?
The clear answer of the representative of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs applies in full. Greece reserves the inalienable, unswerving and non-negotiable right to extend its territorial waters, wherever and however it wishes. The challenging of our country’s lawful rights has nothing to offer and does not contribute to good neighborly relations.
